It was also quite expensive to attend the convention, because the DNC “highly recommends” that all state delegates stay at the assigned state hotel (about $3,000 for five nights), and there are transportation, food and other costs to figure in. This caused a lot of uncertainty, confusion and anxiety for everyone. To cut costs, many delegates shared rooms with up to five people or found cheap digs very far away. Most had to create GoFundMe campaigns to raise money from friends, family and generous Sanders supporters. His campaign ended up chipping in some money at the end to help. To add insult to injury, delegates were asked to pay $200 total for a daily breakfast package (that’s where you pick up your daily convention credentials) that included speeches by political luminaries. Delegates were free to attend the speeches without paying, but they couldn’t access the buffet. I am certain that many did just that.
Pre-Convention Planning
Why was it so important for Sanders delegates, the representatives of the losing candidate, to sacrifice so much to attend the convention? The simple answer is that they wanted to be part of the political process and represent those they brought into the system and those who supported them in getting to Philadelphia. They wanted a seat at the table because they still believed in the system and the opportunity for real and lasting change. Going into the convention, neither candidate had enough delegates without superdelegates to win on the first ballot, so perhaps a few thought that it was still possible to nominate Sanders. Most, however, wanted to go through the roll call and proudly cast their vote for him. They felt they deserved this. Most, but not all, came not to disrupt, but to be heard. Our casually dressed Sanders street army took its cues from the Occupy movement and their roles as delegates very seriously. For the vast majority, this was their first convention, and they genuinely felt they were representing the many thousands of constituents who sent them there. A lot of planning was involved. They created a chain of command and elected district leaders to establish communication with the other state delegations. They held planning meetings at people’s homes, where strategies, ideas and logistics were discussed, including lessons on civil disobedience and communications tech tools (such as FireChat, Facebook, Slack and text messaging). Interestingly, there was very little communication from the campaign about what to expect at the convention itself, apart from logistical information about getting to and staying in Philadelphia. This was, politically, a relatively inexperienced crew, and there was some confusion about what to expect and exactly what our role was going to be. It is entirely possible that some thought that securing the nomination for Sanders was still possible—and that idea was never contradicted by the campaign. A week or two before the convention, I attended a planning session in the suburban backyard of our district leader’s home in Alhambra. As a group of about 20 of us discussed differing ideas for “actions” in the summer evening heat, I began to feel uneasy about what was going to go down in Philly. It was unclear to me what these vaguely contemplated “actions” were meant to accomplish. Nobody had attempted anything like that at any convention I’d previously attended. The meeting ended with an older, wiser, politically savvy, bearded delegate, who later at the convention would constantly try to lend his seasoned, calming perspective, leading us in song, belting out lyrics specifically written for Sanders. I came away from this meeting confused about what was going to happen. At the same time, I admired these activists’ fierce passion and remained in agreement with them on the issues. I was committed to going along for the ride. I was a Sanders delegate, and this was my new posse. During the meeting, our soft-spoken but strong-willed, raven-haired hostess/leader informed us about a possible airline workers strike for higher wages in Philadelphia during the convention. I’m ashamed to say that my first thought was about the possible inconvenience. My embarrassment was driven home when I heard not one complaint from the other delegates, only statements of support for the airline workers and ideas for demonstrating our solidarity. Luggage was the last thing on their minds.
Et Tu, Brute?
Prior to the convention, every Sanders supporter received a devastating one-two punch that left us staggered and angry. First, Clinton picked the very centrist, white, male, pro-Trans-Pacific Partnership (you’ll see later how strongly the delegates feel about this), “right-to-work” Tim Kaine as her running mate, dashing hopes that she would choose a progressive like Elizabeth Warren or Sherrod Brown, or a more diverse pick, such as Labor Secretary Thomas Perez. Second, WikiLeaks released the DNC emails, confirming what we all knew: that the party was not neutral and had put their finger on the scale, in former Obama adviser David Axelrod’s words, for Clinton. Debbie Wasserman Schultz, the head of the DNC, was fired—a good sign—but she was immediately snapped up as honorary chairperson of the Clinton campaign. She was then “eulogized” in glowing terms by all the Clintonites. Despite the platform concessions already negotiated with progressives, it was very clear that Clinton and her operatives were now moving on and ignoring us. Now that the Sanders revolution had been co-opted, the Clintons were focused only on capturing those white, working-class males in danger of voting for Trump. This was going to be “fun.” Your support matters…

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#activism#bernie sanders#delegates#democratic national convention#dissent#dnc#hillary clinton#national#politics#progressivism#protest#tpp#trans-pacific partnership#usa