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Reports

In Defense of the Filibuster

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Posted on Jan 27, 2010

By Ruth Marcus

This won’t comfort Democrats mourning the loss of their filibuster-proof majority, but the existence of the filibuster is, on balance, a good thing.

The filibuster is frustrating, literally and intentionally: It frustrates the will of a simple Senate majority. From a purely situational view, this is infuriating if you are trying to pass crucial legislation or confirm a worthy nominee. It is wonderful if you are trying to block something bad from happening—especially if you don’t have the comfortable backstop of a presidential veto.

The current Democratic impatience with the filibuster and demands to adjust or abolish it are as situational as Republican praise for the device. The capital is a place where memories tend to be conveniently short.

Five years ago, Republicans were thundering against the outrageous assault on democracy and majority rule embodied in Democrats’ use of the filibuster against George W. Bush’s judicial nominees. Democrats were writing sonnets to the practice as a necessary bulwark against Republican overreaching.

That the roles are now reversed does not answer the question of which claim is correct. The filibuster makes the process—take a deep breath, Democrats—fairer. It enhances the opportunity for real debate. On the major legislation for which its use was meant, the filibuster tends, overall, to create a better end product, one more likely to gain wide acceptance among voters.

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No doubt, the filibuster has been overused in recent years, snarling Senate action on even the most routine matters. But such abuse is evidence of a deeper problem—the increasing polarization of politics—and not its cause.

In terms of fairness, the filibuster demarcates the difference between the Senate and the House. In the House, a dictatorial majority can prevent the opposition from playing any meaningful role—even from offering amendments. The existence of the filibuster in the Senate ensures that, at least in one chamber, the minority gets its chance to try to change the end product.

As political scientist Gregory Koger, an expert on the filibuster, writes, the Senate minority’s ability to gum up the works requires that “the majority and minority party haggle over the process for debating major legislation to ensure that members of both parties are able to deliberate fully. Without the minority party’s power to filibuster, it is likely that the majority party in the Senate would be no more generous than its counterpart in the House.”

A fair process is an end in itself; it also contributes, as a general matter, to an improved result. Not always, of course. Filibusters can be used for odious purposes—most notoriously, to block anti-lynching and civil rights legislation. Overall, however, a product that can secure the votes of 60 senators is more likely to be one that can achieve a national consensus as well. It is no accident that the Senate health care bill is better than its House counterpart.

If you tend toward political extremes you are not likely to agree with this assessment, but you can take comfort in the assurance that the filibuster still protects your side against the wildest excesses of a temporary majority. Just imagine, Democrats, what congressional Republicans and President Bush could have done—absent the right to filibuster—during the four-plus years of complete majority rule.

The most trenchant criticism of the filibuster is its overuse. The Senate has become a body that requires 60 votes to get out of bed in the morning. This degree of gridlock was not intended. “From its earliest incarnation,” congressional scholar Norman Ornstein notes, “the filibuster was generally reserved for issues of great national importance, employed by one or more senators who were passionate enough about something that they would bring the entire body to a halt.” No more. Cloture motions—the device used to end a filibuster—were once a rarity. Now they are routine. The biggest spike has come since Republicans became the minority party in 2007, with a record 139 cloture motions in the last Congress. The current Congress is on a course to match that.

A more polarized Senate, with almost no ideological overlap between the parties, has accompanied, and most likely produced, a more fractious process. Changing the rules would treat one symptom—delay and gridlock—at the cost of exacerbating the underlying disease: excessive partisanship and ideological extremism.

Myself, I’d rather live with the filibuster.
   
Ruth Marcus’ e-mail address is marcusr(at symbol)washpost.com.
   
    © 2010, Washington Post Writers Group


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Paolo's avatar

By Paolo, January 27, 2010 at 6:01 pm Link to this comment

As a libertarian, I heartily agree with the premise of this article.

We should remember that all laws involve the use of force. Letting 50 percent plus one vote dictate to 50 percent minus one vote is a recipe for the tyranny of the majority. With the filibuster, a significant minority can (and should) put the brakes on bad legislation.

Historically, the House has also operated under the three-fifths cloture rule. I think it would be a good thing if they brought it back.

In fact, I believe that, if you can’t get three-QUARTERS of the legislature to agree on a proposed bill, then it should not become law. Since laws are acts of force, they should not be enacted unless it is obvious to an overwhelming majority that the law makes sense.

As a corollary, I also believe strongly that all laws should include a Sunset Provision; they should automatically expire after (for example) five years, unless renewed by both houses and the president. If, after five years in effect, it is not obvious the law is beneficial, it should automatically expire.

A further benefit of Sunset Provisions is that they would force Congress to perform an important, though neglected, function: oversight of the laws.

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Hulk2008's avatar

By Hulk2008, January 27, 2010 at 4:16 pm Link to this comment

The author undoubtedly also prefers the Electoral College to plurality voting. 

After all, we can’t let “the masses” (aka the unwashed millions) decide things for themselves, can we ?

Horrors !!

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By Jim Z., January 27, 2010 at 2:20 pm Link to this comment

I think that the filibuster, COMBINED WITH THE UNDEMOCRATIC NATURE OF THE SENATE (i.e., with Wyoming residents having 69 times the representative influence as California residents) renders that body anathama to a democratic republic.

It’s bad enough when the populations of the small population states already have the nation at their mercy under the Constitutional 2-senator per state plan.  But then add to that an even smaller proportion of the population, through just 41 of those senators with a filibuster, and we have failure, pure and simple.

I realize that some large population states have joined this regressive minority coalition (Texas, etc.), but all in all, the real problem is a long-term, systemic tyranny of a political minority.

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Paul_GA's avatar

By Paul_GA, January 27, 2010 at 2:10 pm Link to this comment

As I see it, gridlock is a good thing; there’s an old saying, often attributed to Daniel Webster or Ambrose Bierce, which goes: “No man’s life, liberty, or property are safe while the Legislature is in session.” That goes for women, too.

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By Filler Crowley, January 27, 2010 at 1:27 pm Link to this comment

When has the filibuster ever been used positively? What vulnerable minority was ever protected by it? Sure, Democrats filibustered a very few judicial nominees, but did they ever filibuster a Supreme Court nominee? Samson has given a short list of all the shit Democrats didn’t filibuster, and history tells us that it is used primarily to screw over the dispossessed—think of the constant filibustering of civil rights bills.

End the filibuster; the only minority it ever protected was the powerful.

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Samson's avatar

By Samson, January 27, 2010 at 12:36 pm Link to this comment

Things the Democrats could have filibustered, but didn’t.

-Bush’s tax cuts for the rich
-The Patriot Act, and all its constant extensions
-The giving of immunity to both Bush and the telecoms for illegal domestic spying.
-The Afghan war
-The Iraq war
-funding for the wars during any year
-bloated Pentagon budgets
-Justices Roberts and Alito, two of the five votes who just made corporations more powerful than citizens in elections.
-The appointment of Gonzales as AG.

Just remember, the Democrats willingly refused to block, and thus basically approved, pretty much everything that everyone here hated about the Bush years.

Bush never had enough Republicans in the Senate to have a ‘filibuster-proof’ majority.  Of course, he never needed it with the Democrats being such willing partners.

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Samson's avatar

By Samson, January 27, 2010 at 12:27 pm Link to this comment

The problem with the filibuster is that only one ‘side’ uses it.

When you see the Republicans blocking whatever Obama wants to do, remember the Democrats could have similarly blocked whatever Bush wanted to do.

For instance, if the Republicans can block the ending of a war, the Democrats could have blocked the beginnings of a war.

The key to understanding the Bush years is to realize that the Democrats were willing partners with Bush.

There’s nothing wrong with the filibuster being there to protect political minorities from being steamrollered by a majority.  The problem is that one of our two supposed ‘sides’ never blocks the other.  The problem is that with only one real party in DC, the blocking only goes in one direction.

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de profundis clamavi's avatar

By de profundis clamavi, January 27, 2010 at 10:58 am Link to this comment

The filibuster creates political gridlock. Its effect is to prevent clear, coherent reform of any kind, so that the only legislation that gets passed is that which has been mangled and distorted with compromises and buy-outs.

What if the Republicans had been able to pass their more radical proposals in the face of a Democratic minority five years ago? At least the people would have had the opportunity to see, clearly, what the Republicans stand for and what the effect of their policies would be. At least they could decide clearly between coherent alternatives.

With the filibuster, because clear, understandable proposals like universal single payer healthcare have no chance of passing the Senate, instead we get insanely complicated and unpopular pieces of garbage like the (hopefully now dead) Senate bill, and voters who overwhelmingly support a public healthcare option have no way to express their frustration with a notionally Democratic controlled Senate except to go out and vote for, of all things, a Republican from Massachsetts.

How ridiculous is that?

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By damiencorr, January 27, 2010 at 10:06 am Link to this comment

Regarding the claim “It is no accident that the Senate health care bill is better than
its House counterpart.”.

Really? I don’t recollect reading here a reasonable case being made for the
Senate’s effort being better than that from the House.

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By Chef1968, January 27, 2010 at 10:05 am Link to this comment

While it does prevent the majority from ignoring the minority, How would a simple majority result in more partisanship than we have now?  The Senate is not just gridlocked, it is frozen almost to the point of being completely useless.  The other factor that is fustrating is that if people wanted change, having a majority (50% or 60%) won’t get it.  Good or bad.

The other factor is the lobbying of both parties to ensure that no popular policy ever gets passed.  Given, that filibustering never realy ever changes the final outcome, Democrats need to just call the minority’s bluff.  After a few weeks of the Congress being shut down, the public will force the issue.

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By Miko, January 27, 2010 at 9:22 am Link to this comment
(Unregistered commenter)

“And in order that nothing may pass into a law but what is satisfactorily just, not less than three fifths of the Congress to be called a majority.”
—Thomas Paine, _Common Sense_, Section III

Requiring 60 votes on every issue is exactly what Thomas Paine wanted.  And while he didn’t write the Constitution, it’s full of his ideas.  Sadly, the filibuster became necessary because the authors of the document failed to listen to him on this issue.

@Ron: “What is wrong with 51% of the Senate being able to pass a bill?”

The problem is there’s no good reason why 51% should pass a bill but 50% shouldn’t.  By the same logic, what’s wrong with a bill being passed by 10% of the Senate, or by executive fiat of the president?  We have to make a cut-off somewhere for pragmatic reasons, but we have to ask ourselves: why should 100% of the country be forced to obey a law that 49% of the country thinks is unjust or just plain bad?  In places where one is making an arbitrary cut-off, one had rather err on the side of safety, and so we should make the threshold for creating legislation that binds everyone as hard to reach as possible.  (Personally, I’d say that any proposed bill that can’t garner the support of 75% is so controversial that it’d be better to throw it out.)

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By KitCarson, January 27, 2010 at 9:10 am Link to this comment

The filibuster is very effective in stopping all legislation. The Republicans are in the minority but they still control Congress. It must be nice to say the Democrats are the majority but aren’t in control. The Republicans march lock step together to stop progress. And a few Democrats supported by corporations seem to be able to join when needed.

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Paul_GA's avatar

By Paul_GA, January 27, 2010 at 9:04 am Link to this comment

Because senators are mostly a lazy lot, Ron—they don’t like working late hours and weekends, as they would if the filibuster were more common.

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By Mr Dan, January 27, 2010 at 7:59 am Link to this comment
(Unregistered commenter)

I agree with the author.  The use of the filibuster is a good thing. My frustration is that the Democrats are so afraid of it.  I don’t understand why they let the threat of a filibuster drive national policy.  If they let some things get tested in that fashion they might not win all the battles but they would win a few or even most and we would end up with much better legislation. As it is we are going to have certain senators control everything and those are not the senators that deserve such a lofty position.

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Paul_GA's avatar

By Paul_GA, January 27, 2010 at 7:38 am Link to this comment

As I see it, the filibuster is not that useful a weapon nowadays because the Senate no longer represents the interests of the states at large; therefore, I believe in repealing the 17th Amendment and restoring election of senators to the state legislatures and not by the people of the states. The 17th is one of the instruments that has helped make the US government so highly centralized—and a centralized government is a warlike government that can easily ignore the wishes of its people and engage in “perpetual war for perpetual peace”.

Anything that cuts back on centralization of power is a good thing; to quote Tolstoy—“The greater the state, the more wrong and cruel its patriotism, and the greater is the sum of suffering upon which its power is founded. Therefore, if we really wish to be what we profess to be, we must not only cease our present desire for the growth of the state, but we must desire its decrease, its weakening, and help this forward with all our might.”

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By Ron, January 27, 2010 at 5:31 am Link to this comment
(Unregistered commenter)

What is wrong with 51% of the Senate being able to pass a bill?

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