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Dispatches From Cairo: Victory Celebration

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Posted on Feb 18, 2011
AP / Khalil Hamra

A brass band marches, surrounded by demonstrators, as people gather for prayers in Cairo’s Tahrir Square on Friday.

By Lauren Unger-Geoffroy

Editor’s note: We have asked Lauren Unger-Geoffroy, an Arabic-speaking American who lives in Cairo, to share her perspective of life in Egypt after the revolution.

Friday, Feb. 18

Wow, even MORE people than during the protests were in Tahrir Square today … and today we did not have our previous little area of creative people—all were mixed into the dense potage. There was a military band, the soldiers handed out Egyptian flags, I held tightly to the belts of two of my friends … but felt no tension, only for the most part a sense of nationalistic, festive, if somewhat unfocused joy, of being part of this huge and successful organism. This feeling of pleasure in being united in cause and emotion and connected, physically to millions—it is an experience I personally never would have imagined and am so grateful to live this … but as for the other revolutions following in domino fashion: hopeful imitators. I do believe this exact phenomenon may be uniquely possible in Egypt—or in another alcohol-free, deeply kind, familial, sentimentalist, good-hearted culture with a population of over 80 million habituated to being in a peaceful crush (and with the cherished, shared spiritual experience of massing at pilgrimage to Mecca).

It looked like the most gigantic football victory crowd, with children on their parents’ shoulders, Egyptian colors—black, red, white stripes—painted on faces, Egyptian flags being waved. The military band snaked through the cheering crowd, choruses of the national anthem and other songs, sporadic cheers and chants of “The people and the military are one!” “Egypt! Victory!” “Horrayya! Freedom Finally!” And flags and flags and flags. People hugging soldiers. The army checkpoints to get in were friendly, efficient and reassuring.

There were few people I saw trying to put forth matters of new organization and rational pragmatic planning, though there were signs saying “Free the political prisoners and those arrested in the revolution.” There were signs saying “No more corruption,” a few saying “Bring promised reforms now,” “Military is transition only!” “Goodbye Mubarak,” “God bless our martyrs of the revolution” … so it is safe to say that the people are not going back to passive acceptance immediately.

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The prayer was, as always, incredibly impressive and moving—the coordinated movements of tens of thousands, in the unison ritual bowing of the prayer in the direction of Qabbah, the women praying separately but adjacently, the non-praying crowd respecting. Yusuf al-Qaradawi, a famous and popular religious scholar, led the prayer, and though he is a figurehead of the Muslim Brotherhood he praised the nonsectarianism of the movement, and the Coptic Christians who stood guard over the Muslim prayers—and he urged the people to hold strong, read from the Quran about tyrants. The silent concentration of the prayer calmed my heart, but his words and the people’s faces brought tears to my eyes. The biggest crowd yet, happy, but also somehow confused, somehow subdued … and dazed ... between rallies of optimism and congratulation.

Although I am now becoming used to being in a massive crowd of millions pressed amicably together, and today was proud and celebratory, there was another subtle tone for me and my friends … and for most. Our bodies squeezed closely against our smiling brothers and sisters cheering our victory and our newly discovered superpowers as a behemoth common entity, in front of a huge poster with faces of the martyrs, three of us looked at each other and were thinking about our friend Ziad Bakir, a graphic designer for the Opera House, who has been missing for two weeks—don’t forget him. He was last seen demonstrating in Tahrir Square, I think it was Feb. 2 during that awful, violent period; friends had the habit of calling each other—everyone—a few times every day, to see if they were all right, and where they were. Ziad has been unreachable since then, and no one has heard from him since. We have been looking and inquiring everywhere, searching among the unnamed dead. (I didn’t personally do this, but his family has). It is a shadow and a weight upon the elation.

And there are still many others who are not yet found. Thousands are searching for our missing brothers.

Yes, some of these sentimental and emotional people are fearful and sad, mourning the loss of the paternal protection of Mubarak that had been a constant of their lives for so long. We heard they would be there, but I did not see them. In fact some of my friends feel this way. In fact many regret that his departure was in disgrace and they still harbor deep-rooted vestiges of filial devotion even though they are proud of the people’s victory.

Hope and prayers and pride for the New Egypt. Yes, there has been progress, arrests of some the biggest corrupt exploiters of the people. No, we do not have a constitution now, or visible government … or word of our missing friends.

I had hoped to see others with whom we had passed the intense days of the revolution, but it was impossible to reach the area where we had camped. I particularly wanted to find 10-year-old Ahmed, who had become our mascot and whose previous dreamless future had been transformed—I will talk more about him later, and I will catch up with him soon, Insha’Allah.

There is still so much to do, so much unclear, and so much to struggle for and create. The political and creative primordial broth boiling with potential, bursting forth in peaks of brilliant ideas and some of the finest music, art, graphic art, poetry, video, editing and writing and political innovation proposals. [Political] possibilities that could look good for now, but most in the long run would be an error.

It is clear that though 93 percent of the population are Muslim and strong and comforted in their faith, most still do not want a theocratic political system that would enforce Shariah law outside of the religion. This is a separate thing and should remain so … it is between the people and their God, it is not a rule by men. There are many new parties bubbling up. There is a significant following and some controversy about the new January 25th Party—attempts to discredit, maybe contrived by opposition. We will see. I will give you more info on them later.


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By Steve Wiseman, February 21, 2011 at 6:32 pm Link to this comment
(Unregistered commenter)

The big question still remains. What is going to happen when the Americans try the next step in this, their carefully managed “Egyptian” revolution? What will happen when the Americans try to impose another dictator on the people as they usually have done in their adventures in government creation for the last 100 years or more?  So far everything has gone according to the American plan in what might be possibly their most successful colored revolution to date.  So far this American revolution might possibly be more successful than their ones in Yugoslavia, Georgia, The Ukraine, Indonesia, certainly in Iran, and the butchery of the ones in Iraq, Rwanda, The Congo and in Afghanistan.  But that is yet to be seen. It might be the template that will be used over and over again throughout the world.

Maybe the use of drones, bombs, death squads, false flags, phony civil wars and out right invasions is over.  Student colored revolutions might be the way to go from now on.

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By gerard, February 21, 2011 at 12:10 am Link to this comment

Something picked up from Forbes, 2/18/11 under banner headline “Waging Nonviolence” —What the World Can Learn from Egypt—So Far” by Daryn Cambridge, sregarding the role of the Internet:  “If you have mobilized and informed enough people online, and a critical event takes place, that active online network can quickly morph into on the ground action.

“Morozov argues that the Internet and the liberating virtues that are increasingly ascribed to it mask the fact that it is also being used as a tool of oppression. Because the Internet has no moral code, autocratic governments can and are leveraging it to censor information, disseminate propaganda, gather intelligence on activists, and, in turn, control the population. I do not deny this reality. But it’s that reality that makes a struggle and movement strategy necessary. Just like printing and distributing fliers, setting up pirate radio stations, and communicating via land lines and short wave radio brings with it certain risks, so too does online communication and information sharing. This is why technologically savvy activists are finding ways to communicate in code, use proxy servers to access banned websites, and tap into online platforms and services that are so pervasive they become nearly impossible to ban without shutting down the Internet all together.  And once you’ve shut down the entire Internet and suspended cell phone service, as the government did in Egypt, the lie of the regime becomes even more apparent, not just in the minds of the movement, but also in the minds of those who were, until then, sitting on the fence.”
  Further, I have seen information that the leaders of the Egyptian demonstrations studied nonviolent philosophy and stategy in Serbia with an organization formed on the basis of experiences connected with getting rid of Melosovic.  So there is such a thing, although most people (on Truthdigo or anywhere else, for that matter)  seem not to want to know about it—so far

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By gerard, February 20, 2011 at 4:48 pm Link to this comment

call me Roy: What do you think about the prospects for peace and understanding between the Israelis and the Palestinians:
  Considering that they both may be victims of a “persecution complex” acting (consciousnly or unconsciously) and reacting—the Jews to a history of persecution, and the Palestinians to the ceaseless readiness and practice of the Israelis to use overwhelming force to oppress (in some ways to extinguish) them?
  Do you have suggestions?

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By call me roy, February 19, 2011 at 10:37 pm Link to this comment

Have you been watching President Obama’s performances during the Egyptian crisis and wondering why he wasn’t this active and vocal during the June, 2009, student/citizen uprising in Iran? The situations are eerily similar, yet in one he wouldn’t open his mouth and in the other, he won’t close it. What’s the difference?

This week, I’m going to take a look back at the speech Mr. Obama gave in Cairo, Egypt, in June of 2009. In it, he apologized for President Bush’s push for democracy in the Middle East. In fact, he said that no nation should press its own political ideology on another—especially democracy. He actually said that from the platform of Cairo University. Apparently he doesn’t think that now. Is it utter incompetence or political naivete on his part? Maybe there’s something more sinister at work. Either way, it’s a bit unnerving.

Unbelievably, the Obama administration is pushing to involve the notorious Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt’s new political landscape. Remember that the Muslim Brotherhood claimed responsibility for Anwar Sadat’s assassination. It also gave birth to Hamas and al-Qaeda. It’s the most organized of the “opposition” groups in Egypt. Its front man is the former Director of the International Atomic Energy Agency, Mohammed ElBaradei. You remember him. He’s the stooge who stonewalled the world as long as he could to cover for Iran’s maniacal drive for a nuclear weapon. Fortunately, even he couldn’t keep Stuxnet out.

However, since Egypt had outlawed the Muslim Brotherhood and President Mubarak had kept them under his thumb (but wouldn’t you if they had tried to kill you and were probably complicit in another five assassination attempts?), they have no official representation in the government. That’s not to say that they’re not organized and eager to jump in. In fact, they’re the most organized and connected of the opposition groups, so it stands to reason that in any political void left by Mubarak’s departure, the Muslim Brotherhood will be the most likely to assume the greatest power.

That does not bode well for Egypt or Israel. The Brotherhood, including ElBaradei, has publicly stated that Egypt will continue to honor all its treaties with foreign nations. Fly in the ointment: the Brotherhood does not recognize Israel’s right to exist. So if Israel has no right to exist, then it cannot be a legitimate state. If it’s not a nation, then there’s no need for Egypt to honor its 30-year old treaty. Case solved! Here’s a hint about the Muslim Brotherhood’s attitude toward the peace treaty with Israel: they killed Egyptian President Anwar Sadat for signing it! Please pick up a history book once in a while, Mr. President. It’s becoming increasingly obvious that history was not his strong suit in college. Of course, we’ll never know because those records are sealed, too.

Finally, as the Muslim Brotherhood begins to smell blood in the water, the rhetoric will heat up. One of the first arguments you will hear in the move to abrogate Egypt’s peace treaty with Israel—which Mubarak has protected the last three decades—is that Israel has no right to that land. The Jews stole it from the Palestinians. You know and I know that that is a blatant and easily disproved lie. However, the Mainstream Media and the US Administration either don’t know it or choose to ignore it.

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By gerard, February 19, 2011 at 3:12 pm Link to this comment

“From the outset, the organizers of the protests adhered to a strict code of non-violent and peaceful protests. They realized that the regime would crack down and employ brutal methods hoping to either deter or provoke them to use violence to justify even greater violence against them.
  Ahmad Maher, the coordinator of the April 6 Youth Movement explained ... that non-violence was not a tactic but a strategy for the movement. (Acc. to Foreign Affairs Magazine 2/11/11, some of the leaders had studied at a nonviolence training school in Europe to prepare.) For over two years, thousands of members debated the writings and methods of non-violent struggle, including those of Gandhi, King, and Gene Sharp of the Albert Einstein Institution in Boston, the sages of the use of non-violent means for social change.
  Last year Maher’s second-in-command, Muhammad Adel, was dispatched to Serbia to meet with Srdja Popovic, a proponent of non-violent resistance and leader of the Otpor (Resistance) Movement, a group of young activists who helped depose Slobodan Milosevic in 2000. He came back to Cairo with DVDs and other educational and training materials that demonstrated in detail some of the non-violent means and civil disobedience techniques used to induce political change.
  When the protests in Egypt began, there were strict instructions for all participants not to carry any weapons, including knives, sticks, stones or sharp objects. They held signs that said this was a peaceful protest. When confronted by the police who tried to intimidate or beat them they would chant “peaceful, peaceful.”
  Even when the regime sent thousands of its goons ... with sticks and sharp objects, to attack them with Molotov cocktails, or even shoot them with live ammunition, the protesters only tried to defend themselves, refusing to employ violent means….
They refused to take revenge despite the dozens who were killed and thousands more injured.  They simply handed them over to the military units stationed nearby.”—From Anatomy of Egypt’s Revolution, by Esam al-Amin in Counterpunch.
  For obvious reasons, these facts have not been widely reported, unfortunately for us.

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By john mag, February 19, 2011 at 11:40 am Link to this comment
(Unregistered commenter)

Yes….. israel is very happy too ! Things went as planned

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By gerard, February 18, 2011 at 7:07 pm Link to this comment

Again, very insightful.  For more information about the influence of training in non-violent resistance, see the April issue of Foreign Policy Magazine.
“Revolution U” by Tina Rosenberg
What Egypt Learned from the Students Who Overthrew Milosevic

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