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A Woman in the Presidency Is Simply Not Enough
Posted on Feb 18, 2016
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Former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright tried to issue a mea culpa in The New York Times last week for her recent remarks suggesting that women who are not planning to vote for her friend Hillary Clinton should be condemned to hell. Although it was “the wrong context and the wrong time to use that line,” Albright wrote, “I so firmly believe that, even today, women have an obligation to help one another.”
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Women like Albright and Clinton—who have climbed the ladders of the political establishment—are to be strongly commended for the chauvinist barriers they have undoubtedly faced and overcome. But in breaking through the glass ceiling, they have conducted themselves first and foremost as skillful politicians rather than as progressive women.
Reading Albright’s op-ed instantly reminded me of a different arena in which the same dynamic has played out: Afghanistan.
Remember that the war in Afghanistan was supported by liberals and conservatives, Democrats and Republicans alike. After a GOP president started the war, a Democratic president continued it. Rebuilding a post-Taliban Afghanistan that was friendly to women was touted as one of the great post-9/11 U.S. foreign policy achievements—except that it didn’t work. Today, Afghanistan is such a hostile place for women that they might as well be living under the Taliban, as the horrific fatal beating of a young woman by a mob showed last year.
In the aftermath of the Taliban’s fall in 2001, women in Washington often spoke about rebuilding the country in a way that ensured that “women had a seat at the table.” Indeed, this language has become so ubiquitous that it is now shorthand for women’s equality and human rights. The image of a large diplomatic roundtable bringing together all the “stakeholders” (another favored term)—armed warlords and Taliban as well as “women” (any women will do)—conjures up an idealistic vision of democracy and peace. It is a vision that has proved to be empty.
As Afghanistan demonstrated, any woman that the country’s myriad fundamentalist armed commanders (most of whom have at some point been beneficiaries of U.S. largesse) would accept would be a woman who would not challenge their power. Clinton (along with Laura Bush) upheld such intellectually bankrupt notions of women’s rights through her work with the U.S.-Afghan Women’s Council. Educated and well-placed liberal Afghan women were trained to speak with the media and thrust into positions of power as placeholders to demonstrate that women’s rights had been achieved. Yet it turns out that most Afghan women in the country’s new parliament are “sisters and wives of warlords or tribal leaders chosen merely to fill the required quota of women.”
One notable exception was Malalai Joya, the fiery young feminist activist who was legitimately elected to parliament by her community and who spoke out forcefully for women’s rights and against domestic warlords and foreign occupiers. But Afghanistan’s parliament wasn’t designed for women like Joya. It was designed (by the U.S.) to achieve a superficial victory for democracy by showcasing the mere presence of women. Any feminist members of parliament who attempted to exercise their rights in the interests of all women—and ordinary Afghans in general—were excoriated, and Joya was eventually kicked out by her nemeses. You cannot simply seat women at a table full of armed woman-haters and magically produce democracy and justice.
The same sort of women in Washington, D.C.—including Clinton and Albright—want us to believe that placing a woman, specifically a woman who will not rock the boat, in the White House, is a panacea for women’s rights. Ordinary American women are expected to celebrate this as a victory, whether it impacts their lives in a positive and practical manner or not.
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